Note: An updated
and revised version of this essay is online
here.
(Part 1 of 7)
INTRODUCTION TO RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISMS
“Religious fundamentalism fits uncomfortably into
this world,” declares one scholar.[1]
To fundamentalists, notes another scholar,
“religious enemies are important.”[2]
The twentieth century witnessed the maturing and
globalization of the modern Western world.
The century, characterized by increasing
secularization, large corporations, growing wealth
and consumerism, technological progress, military
might, and global communications, threatened
“traditional”[3]
religious views both within and without the
Western world. Religious individuals and
faith groups responded to and interacted with
modernity in a variety of ways, ranging from
integration to resistance. During the course
of the twentieth century, religious groups and
individuals who clung to strict orthodoxy and
whose response to modernity was centered in
militant resistance became known as
“fundamentalists.”
Religious fundamentalists in general have much in
common in terms of worldviews. In short, all
fundamentalists view modernity as the enemy, that
is, the representation of evil. First and
foremost, modern Western thought is the embodiment
of a secularized and pluralistic mindset,
resulting in an intellectual challenge to
traditional religious constructs of a God-centered
universe. For all fundamentalists, modernity
poses a profound moral crisis of faith, culture
and society. Some scholars point to Islamic
fundamentalism, in particular, as a revolt of
bewildered young people caught between traditional
values and complex modern choices.[4]
Others note that whereas fundamentalism per se is
a reaction to the failures of modernization, the
formation of fundamentalist movements has
primarily been in response to the failure of
political leaders (both religious and political)
in dealing with the failures of modernization.[5]
Secondly, modernity as expressed in society and
government is understood to be in active
opposition to traditional religious values and
structures, thus necessitating a defensive
response for the protection of traditional values
and structures within an increasingly secular
culture. The defense is based on the concept
of “enclave,” that is, the preservation of the
pure faith by harboring it within the protective
walls of the true faith community. The
enclave, representing God, holds the evil world at
bay intellectually and socially.[6]
Finally, a defensive response is viewed by
fundamentalists as only a partial response.
Ultimately, the “world” must be conquered (or
transformed) by true believers (or by God Himself)
and forced to adhere to the one pure faith.[7]
Before proceeding further, a brief discussion of
the actual definition of the term “fundamentalist”
is in order. Although characterized by rigid
religious beliefs and militant resistance to
modern world views, “fundamentalist” is a word
which is difficult to precisely define. For
example, although all religious fundamentalists
are conservatives, not all religious conservatives
are fundamentalists. One distinguishing
characteristic of religious fundamentalists as
opposed to religious conservatives is the
fundamentalist’s intolerance of opposing
worldviews.
In
addition, although some religious conservatives
may join fundamentalists in adhering to an
inerrant or perfect text (referred to as the “Word
of God”), the reactionary (or militant) manner in
which fundamentalists utilize their particular
interpretation of the “Word of God” (both within
their larger faith group and in relation to
society at large) typically sets them apart.
Some scholars of religious fundamentalisms
oftentimes distinguish between “scriptural”
fundamentalism and “political” fundamentalism,
particularly in terms of Islamic
fundamentalisms. Most scholars of Muslim
history, however, reserve the term
“fundamentalist” to refer to political movements
which seek to establish Islamic law at the state
level. Islamic movements which are
scripturally strict but avoid politics are viewed
as “revivalist” movements.[8]
Accordingly, for the purposes of this paper,
“fundamentalism” (as applied to Islam) will be
reserved for the political expression of the
Islamic faith which seeks to impose Islamic law
upon the state. “Revivalist” will refer to
Islamic movements which adhere to a strict
interpretation of the Quran, but which are not
engaged in politics.
Historically, religious fundamentalisms as a whole
did not emerge from a vacuum. Political,
cultural and intellectual pressures in the late
nineteenth century created a foundation upon which
fundamentalisms would build and develop
increasingly organized responses to the pervasive
secularization of the twentieth and twenty-first
centuries. A brief survey of the rise
of Islamic fundamentalism will allow us to place
the movement within the larger context of Muslim
history.
[1]
John H. Garvey, “Introduction: Fundamentalism
and Politics,” in Fundamentalisms and the
State, The Fundamentalism Project,
Volume 3, eds. Martin Marty and R. Scott
Appleby (Chicago and London: University of
Chicago Press, 1993), 15.
[2]
David C. Rapoport, “Comparing Militant
Fundamentalist Movements and Groups,” in Fundamentalisms
and the State, The Fundamentalism
Project, Volume 3, eds. Martin Marty and R.
Scott Appleby (Chicago and London: University
of Chicago Press, 1993), 431.
[3]
“Traditional” religious views herein refer to
widely understood pre-twentieth century
theological constructs which placed God at the
center of the universe. Following in the
wake of the Enlightenment of the eighteenth
century, the nineteenth witnessed scientific
advances in the scholarly world.
Disputing the traditional worldview of God as
the center of the universe, modern science
instead placed humanity at the center of
existence. By the 20th
century, this humanity-centered worldview was
emerging from the realm of academia and
rapidly becoming integrated into everyday
life.
[4]
Valerie J. Hoffman, “Muslim Fundamentalists:
Psychosocial Profiles,” in Fundamentalisms
Comprehended, The Fundamentalism
Project, Volume 5, eds. Martin Marty and R.
Scott Appleby (Chicago and London: University
of Chicago Press, 1995), 209-225. Remy
Leveau, “Youth Culture and Islamism in the
Middle East,” The Islamist Dilemma: The
Political Role in the Contemporary Arab
World, ed. Laura Guazzone (Berkshire,
UK: Ithaca Press, 1995).
[5]
James Piscatori, “Accounting for Islamic
Fundamentalisms,” in Accounting for
Fundamentalisms, The Fundamentalism
Project, Volume 4, eds. Martin Marty and R.
Scott Appleby (Chicago and London: University
of Chicago Press, 1994), 361.
[6]
Emmanuel Sivan, “The Enclave Culture,” in Fundamentalisms
Comprehended, The Fundamentalism
Project, Volume 5, eds. Martin Marty and R.
Scott Appleby (Chicago and London: University
of Chicago Press, 1995), 11-68.
[7]
See Gabriel A. Almond, Emmanuel Sivan, and R.
Scott Appleby, “Explaining Fundamentalisms,”
in Fundamentalisms Comprehended, The
Fundamentalism Project, Volume 5, eds. Martin
Marty and R. Scott Appleby (Chicago and
London: University of Chicago Press, 1995),
425-429. Almond, Sivan and Appleby
divide fundamentalists into four categories in
terms of relating to the “world”: the
“world conqueror,” “world transformer,” “world
creator” and “world renouncer” (426).
“Conquerors” take it upon themselves to
eliminate the enemy (the world).
“Transformers” and “Creators” actively fight
the world but rely more heavily on the work of
God in eschatological time. “Renouncers”
(who are few in number) are primarily focused
on inward purity. Other scholars would
contend that Almond, Sivan and Appleby’s
“Renouncers,” by not actually opposing the
modern world order, are not true
fundamentalists.
[8]
In terms of Islamic fundamentalism, see Said
Amir Arjomand, “Unity and Diversity in Islamic
Fundamentalism, in Fundamentalisms
Comprehended, The Fundamentalism
Project, Volume 5, eds. Martin Marty and R.
Scott Appleby (Chicago and London: University
of Chicago Press, 1995), 179-198. The
comparison / contrast between “scriptural” and
“political” fundamentalism is largely a
construct utilized by scholars of
fundamentalist movements, particularly in
reference to the Islamic fundamentalism.
Traditional scholars of Muslim history
typically speak of pre-twentieth century
strict Islamist movements (based on strict
interpretations of the Quran and the hadith)
as “revival” or “revivalist” movements,
whereas the term “fundamentalism” (which many
Muslims reject forthright) is reserved for
Islamic political movements devoted to
implementing strict Islamic law on the state
level. In contrast, scholars of
Christian fundamentalist movements typically
apply the term “fundamentalist” to Christians
who insist that the final authority in all
matters of existence is the “inerrant”
Bible. Unlike Islamic fundamentalists,
Christian fundamentalists typically do not
overtly seek the establishment of a theocratic
government.
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